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Dominant medical device issues for policymakers in the capital during 2007 included reform of FDA user fees, revived congressional oversight, and continuing turbulence over FDA compliance and enforcement.
It was also the first full year with a permanent commissioner at FDA since 2003, as Andrew von Eschenbach took charge and aimed to break the policy inertia that had settled over the agency. He repeatedly asserted a commitment to greater transparency, but progress was slow due to competing demands and scarce resources.
His public pronouncements on medical device issues were few, since unrelated controversies—such as contaminated imports and improper employee bonuses—seemed to engulf the agency. The problems were often propelled by the Bush administration’s foes on Capitol Hill.
Von Eschenbach’s only public utterances before a device audience were via satellite in March, when he addressed the AdvaMed annual meeting in Phoenix. His main focus then was the incubating reauthorization of user-fee legislation, which ultimately came to pass six months later when President Bush signed the FDA Amendments Act into law.
New User Fees
The new law set low, predictable user fees that increase the agency’s total take but reduce the fee for each individual application. It introduced a periodic report filing fee of $6475 and annual establishment fees of $1706. FDA predicts it will get 31% more in revenues while significantly reducing application fees. For example, a premarket approval (PMA) or biological license application will cost $185,000 each, which is a 34% reduction from the 2007 rate. A 510(k) will cost $3404, down 18%.
FDA accepted “aggressive performance goals†under the agreement. It promised to reach a decision on 50% of expedited PMA and supplement applications that go before an FDA advisory committee within 180 days, and to decide on 90% of the expedited applications within 280 days. FDA committed to reach a decision on 60% of conventional PMA and supplement applications that go before an advisory committee within 180 days, and 90% within 295 days. The agency also agreed to decide on 90% of 510(k) applications within 90 days, and 98% of the applications within 150 days.
Businesses with $100 million or less in annual sales or receipts had their fees reduced from 80% of the full fee in the first device user-fee program to 50% for 510(k) applications, and from 38% to 25% for PMA and related supplement fees.
The new law requires medical device companies to add their clinical trials to a public registry, as drug companies already do. It also incorporates the Pediatric Medical Device Safety and Improvement Act that requires device sponsors to include a description of pediatric populations in their product marketing applications to FDA.
A sleeper provision in the new law establishes the Reagan-Udall Foundation, a little-discussed private foundation within FDA. Its objectives include the “identification of unmet needs in the development, manufacture, and evaluation (including postmarket evaluation) of the safety and effectiveness of FDA-regulated products, and the establishment of scientific and other projects and programs to meet those needs.â€
The foundation, which is to be directed by a 14-member board with four members drawn from regulated industry, quickly came under attack from liberal and consumer-oriented interests. For example, Center for Science in the Public Interest’s Merrill Goozner, declared that “the last thing you want is an industry-run board in which they create a science-sounding rationale before they put the FDA rubber stamp of approval on something that hasn’t been proven.†If industry gains too much influence on the foundation’s board, he said, the criteria that FDA establishes for evaluating products could be too industry-friendly for patients’ good.
Capitol Hill Oversight
The new Democratic majority on Capitol Hill lost no time in reviving FDA oversight, which had become all but moribund under the old Republican majority. One noteworthy exception was Senator Charles Grassley (R–IA), but he had garnered little support from his colleagues until the Democrats took over.
Numerous investigations of FDA were initiated, notably under John Dingell (D–MI), who was restored to chairmanship of the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Dingell and his subordinate Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee, chaired by Bart Stupak (D–MI), tackled several device issues. These included whether FDA had gone too easy on Johnson & Johnson’s Cordis Corp. in 2004, when the agency found serious adulteration issues with its Cypher stents.
The minority staff of the subcommittee, energized by a new bipartisanship, challenged the fairness of FDA’s legal tactics concerning TMJ Implants (Golden, CO). FDA came under fire for demanding civil monetary penalties from the small device firm before dealing with the company’s appeal to the FDA commissioner on its failure to file 17 medical device reports (MDRs). At press time, the subcommittee’s efforts had yielded little.
Most of the increased attention to FDA on Capitol Hill involved issues not specific to medical devices, although there was some overlap. One topic was the disclosure to Dingell’s committee, which is investigating allegedly improper bonuses paid to FDA managers, that three CDRH managers had received large bonuses in 2006. The CDRH officials are former CDRH deputy director Linda Kahan ($34,000), compliance director Tim Ulatowski ($21,000), and senior associate director Lillian Gill ($20,000).
– James G. Dickinson


